麦克阿瑟记者招待会（双语麦克阿瑟国会大厦告别演讲）

原文转自：无忧考网

译文转自：乐鱼网咖

道格拉斯。麦克阿瑟（Douglas MacArthur）,美国陆军五星上将。出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校,1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业,到工程兵部队任职,并赴菲律宾执勤。麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验,被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”,而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历最年轻的陆军参谋长”,凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略,麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争的奇才。

提起这句话：“老兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fade away）,就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟,和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》演讲。

我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。我从军是在本世纪开始之前,而这是我童年的希望与梦想的实现。自从我在西点军校的教练场上宣誓以来,这个世界已经过多次变化,而我的希望与梦想早已消逝,但我仍记着当时最流行的一首军歌词,极为自豪地宣示“老兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”。

I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die；they just fade away.”,就像这首歌中的老兵,一位想尽一已之责的老兵,而上帝也赐予光辉使他能看清这一项责任,而我现在结束了军旅生涯,而逐渐凋谢。

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

演讲全文：

MacArthur：Farewell Address to Congress

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress：

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride —— humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me；pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind：to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.

Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.

In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support —— not imperious direction —— the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.

Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.

The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore —— with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore —— and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.

Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof；for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.

This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.

To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.

Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.

There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.

I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.

The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity；and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.

Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them —— as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.

With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders；a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.

Such decisions have not been forthcoming.

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary：first the intensification of our economic blockade against China；two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast；three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria；four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.

Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows：

"Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.“

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.

War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

In war there is no substitute for victory.

There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.

"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field？" I could not answer.

Some may say：to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China；others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.

They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were："Don't scuttle the Pacific！"

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.

Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die；they just fade away.”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

Good Bye.

《老兵不死》》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲

今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道：“将军，您上哪去？”一听说我要去西点，他说：“那是个好地方，您从前去过吗？”

这样的荣誉是没有人不受感动的。长期以来，我从事这个职业，又如此热爱这个民族，能获得这样的荣誉简直使我无法表达我的感情。然而，这种奖赏主要并不意味着对个人的尊崇，而是象征一个伟大的道德准则——捍卫这块可爱土地上的文化与古老传统的那些人的行为与品质的准则。这就是这个大奖章的意义。无论现在还是将来，它都是美国军人道德标准的一种体现。我一定要遵循这个标准，结合崇高的理想，唤起自豪感，同时始终保持谦虚责任-荣誉-国家。这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你应该成为怎样的人，可能成为怎样的人，一定要成为怎样的人。它们将使你精神振奋，在你似乎丧失勇气时鼓起勇气，似乎没有理由相信时重建信念，几乎绝望时产生希望。

遗憾的很，我既没有雄辩的词令、诗意的想象，也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词，一句口号，一个空洞的短语。每一个迂腐的学究，每一个蛊惑人心的政客，每一个玩世不恭的人，每一个伪君子，每一个惹是生非之徒，很遗憾，还有其他个性不甚正常的人，一定企图贬低它们，甚至对它们进行愚弄和嘲笑。但这些名词确能做到：塑造你的基本特性，使你将来成为国防卫士；使你坚强起来，认清自己的懦弱，并勇敢地面对自己的胆怯。它们教导你在失败时要自尊，要不屈不挠；胜利时要谦和，不要以言语代替行动，不要贪图舒适；要面对重压和困难，勇敢地接受挑战；要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中，但对遇难者要寄予同情；要先律己而后律人；要有纯洁的心灵和崇高的目标；要学会笑，但不要忘记怎么哭；要向往未来，但不可忽略过去；要为人持重，但不可过于严肃；要谦虚，铭记真正伟大的纯朴，真正智慧的虚心，真正强大的温顺。它们赋予你意志的韧性，想象的质量，感情的活力，从生命的深处焕发精神，以勇敢的姿态克服胆怯，甘于冒险而不贪图安逸。它们在你们心中创造奇妙的意想不到的希望，以及生命的灵感与欢乐。它们就是这种方式教导你们成为军人和君子。

你所率领的是哪一类士兵？他可靠吗？勇敢吗？他有能力赢得胜利吗？他的故事你全都熟悉，那是一个美国士兵的故事。我对他的估计是多年前在战场上形成的，至今没有改变。那时，我把他看作是世界上最高尚的人；现在，我仍然这样看他。他不仅是一个军事品德最优秀的人，而且也是一个最纯洁人。他的名字与威望是每一个美国公民的骄傲。在青壮年时期，他献出了一切人类所赋予的爱情与忠贞。他不需要我及其他人的颂扬，因为他已用自己的鲜血在敌人的胸前谱写了自传。可是，当我想到他在灾难中的坚忍，在战火里的勇气。在胜利时的谦虚，我满怀的赞美之情不禁油然而升。他在历史上已成为一位成功爱国者的伟大典范；他在未来将成为子孙认识解放与自由的教导者；现在，他把美德与成就献给我们。在数十次战役中，在上百个战场上，在成千堆营火旁，我亲眼目睹他坚韧不拔的不朽精神，热爱祖国的自我克制以及不可战胜的坚定决心，这些已经把他的形象铭刻在他的人民心中。从世界的这一端到另一端，他已经深深地为那勇敢的美酒所陶醉。

当我听到合唱队唱的这些歌曲，我记忆的目光看到第一次世界大战中步履蹒跚的小分队，从湿淋淋的黄昏到细雨蒙蒙的黎明，在透湿的背包的重负下疲惫不堪地行军，沉重的脚踝深深地踏在炮弹轰震过的泥泞路上，与敌人进行你死我活的战斗。他们嘴唇发青，浑身泥泞，在风雨中战抖着，从家中被赶到敌人面前，许多人还被赶到上帝的审判席前。我不了解他们生得高贵，可我知道他们死得光荣。他们从不犹豫，毫无怨恨，满怀信心，嘴边叨念着继续战斗，直到看到胜利的希望才合上双眼。这一切都是为了它们——责任-荣誉-国家。当我们蹒跚在寻找光明与真理的道路上时，他们一直在流血、挥汗、洒泪。

20年以后，在世界的另一边，他们又面对着黑黝黝肮脏的散兵坑、阴森森恶臭的战壕、湿淋淋污浊的坑道，还有那酷热的火辣辣的阳光、疾风狂暴的倾盆大雨、荒无人烟的丛林小道。他们忍受着与亲人长期分离的痛苦煎熬、热带疾病的猖獗蔓延、兵燹地区的恐怖情景。他们坚定果敢的防御，他们迅速准确的攻击，他们不屈不挠的目的，他们全面彻底的胜利——永恒的胜利——永远伴随着他们最后在血泊中的战斗。在战斗中，那些苍白憔悴的人们的目光始终庄严地跟随着责任-荣誉-国家的口号。

这几个名词包含着最高的道德准则，并将经受任何为提高人类道德水准而传播的伦理或哲学的检验。它所提倡的是正确的事物，它所制止的谬误的东西。高于众人之上的战士要履行宗教修炼的最伟大行为——牺牲。在战斗中，面对着危险与死亡，他显示出造物主按照自己意愿创造人类时所赋予的品质。只有神明能帮助他、支持他，这是任何肉体的勇敢与动物的本能都代替不了的。无论战争如何恐怖，招之即来的战士准备为国捐躯是人类最崇高的进化。

现在，你们面临着一个新世界——一个变革中世界。人造卫星进入星际空间。卫星与导弹标志着人类漫长的历史进入了另一个时代——太空时代。自然科学家告诉我们，在50亿年或更长的时期中，地球形成了；在300万年或更长的时期中，人类形成了；人类历史还不曾有过一次更巨大、更令人惊讶的化。我们不单要从现在这个世界，而且要从无法估算的距离，从神秘莫测的宇宙来论述事物。

我们正在认识一个崭新的无边无际的世界。我们谈论着不可思议的话题：控制宇宙的资源；让风力与潮汐为我们所用；创造空前的合成物质以补充甚至代替古老基本物质；净化海水以供我们饮用；开发海底以作为财富与食品的新基地；预防疾病以使寿命延长几百岁；调节空气以使冷热、晴雨分布均衡；登月宇宙飞船；战争中的主要目标不仅限于敌人的武装力量，也包括其平民；团结起来的人类与某些星系行星的恶势力的最根本的矛盾；使生命成为有史以来最扣人心弦的那些梦境与幻想。

为了迎接所有这些巨大的变化和发展，你们的任务将变得更加坚定而不可侵犯，那就是赢得我们战争的胜利。

你们的职业要求你们在这个生死关头勇于献身，此外，别无所求。其余的一切公共目的、公共计划、公共需求，无论大小，都可以寻找其他办法去完成；而你们就是受训参加战斗的，你们的职业就是战斗——决心取胜。在战争中最明确的目标就是为了胜利，这是任何东西都代替不了的。假如你失败了，国家就要遭到破坏，因此你的职业唯一要遵循的就是责任-荣誉-国家。其他人将纠缠于分散人们思想的国内外问题的争论，可是你将安详、宁静地屹立在远处，作为国家的卫士，作为国际矛盾怒潮中的救生员，作为硝烟弥漫的竞技场上的格斗士。

一个半世纪以来，你们曾经防御、守卫、保护着解放和自由、权利与正义的神圣传统。让平民百姓去辩论我们政府的功过：我们的国力是否因长期财政赤字而衰竭，联邦的家长式传统是否势力过大，权力集团是否过于骄横自大，政治是否过于腐败，犯罪是否过于猖獗，道德标准是否降得太低，捐税是否提得太高，极端分子是否过于偏激，我们个人的自由是否像应有的那样完全彻底。这些重大的国家问题与你们的职业毫不相干，也无需使用军事手段来解决。你们的路标——责任-荣誉-国家，比夜里的灯塔要亮十倍。

你们是联系我国防御系统全部机构的纽带。当战争警钟敲响时，从你们的队伍中将涌现出手持国家命运的伟大军官。还从来没有人打败过我们。假如你也是这样，上百万身穿橄榄色、棕色、蓝色和灰色制服的灵魂将从他们的白色十字架下站起来，以雷霆般的声音喊出那神奇的口号——责任-荣誉-国家。

这并不意味着你们是战争贩子。相反，高于众人之上的战士祈求和平，因为他忍受着战争最深刻的伤痛与疮疤。可是，我们耳边经常响起那位大智大慧的哲学之父柏拉图的警世之言：“只有死者才能看到战争的终结。”

我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临。我昔日的风采和荣誉已经消失。它们随着对昔日事业的憧憬，带着那余晖消失了。昔日的记忆奇妙而美好，浸透了眼泪和昨日微笑的安慰和抚爱。我尽力但徒然地倾听，渴望听到军号吹奏起床号的那微弱而迷人的旋律，以及远处战鼓急促敲击的动人节奏。我在梦幻中依稀又听到了大炮在轰鸣，又听到了滑膛枪在鸣放，又听到了战场上那陌生、哀愁的呻吟。然而，晚年的回忆经常将我带回到西点军校。我的耳旁回响着，反复回响着：责任，誉，国家。

今天是我同你们进行的最后一次点名。但我愿你们知道，当我到达彼岸时，我最后想的是学员队，学员队，还是学员队。

我向大家告别。

道格拉斯。马克阿瑟 1951年4月19日

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