怎么完美理解一国两制的概念（一国两制漫谈⑮）

作者：萧平

XIAO PING

资深时事评论员

In what context should we understand the inclusiveness of 'one country, two systems'?

资本主义和社会主义曾经在上个世纪激烈对抗，制度差异是显而易见的。在一国之内实行这样两种不同的社会制度，并让它们相得益彰，需要巨大的政治勇气和包容精神。

Last century witnessed fierce confrontations between capitalist and socialist blocs. The sheer differences between the two social systems are easy to see. As such it requires great political confidence and strong sense of inclusiveness to let these different social systems coexist in one country harmoniously and as mutually benefiting as possible.

如此大胆的创意，植根于求同存异、和而不同、海纳百川、有容乃大的中华文化和中国智慧。这个求同存异不是求大同存小异，而是求大同存大异。因为是以和平的方式收回香港，喜欢与不喜欢的、同内地适应与不适应的，中央都接受了，寄望在一国之内逐渐磨合。邓小平说，只要维护民族大局，“不管抱什么政治观点，包括骂共产党的人，都要大团结。”概括了“两个建设好”，“既要把实行社会主义制度的内地建设好，也要把实行资本主义制度的香港建设好。”这就是“一国两制”宽广博大的追求。

This bold and creative institutional arrangement is rooted in Chinese culture and wisdom, which favors diversity in unity, differences in harmony, just like rivers emptying into the ocean with no concerns of overflowing. In Hong Kong the goal is to build the broadest consensus among socio-political groups with major rather than minor differences, because the central government is confident the differences between Hong Kong and the mainland can and will be harmonized through peaceful fine-tuning under “one country, two systems”. Late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping once said that as long as they contribute to national unity regardless of ethnicity, “all political opinions should be tolerated, including those opposed to the Communist Party of China.” More recently, President Xi Jinping summarized the expansiveness and inclusiveness of “one country, two systems” as “enhancing the development of the mainland, which exercises socialism with Chinese characteristics, as well as that of Hong Kong, which remains a capitalist society.”

香港的高度自治超过了许多联邦制国家的州。回归后，香港保留了自由港和独立关税区地位，保留了独立的财政、税收、货币体系，保留了普通法下的司法制度。还有两点更独特。一是不向国家缴一分钱的税，也不承担驻军的费用，英国人管治的时候没这么慷慨。二是有独立的终审权，而回归前终审权在伦敦的枢密院。

Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy dwarfs that of the states in confederate democracies in the West. Since July 1, 1997 Hong Kong has remained a free port and separate customs territory with its own finance, tax and currency systems as well as the common law-based judicial system. It is absolutely unique in that it does not pay any tax to the State or bear the expenses of the People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison. The British Crown was never nearly as generous to Hong Kong during more than one and a half centuries of colonial rule. Hong Kong today also enjoys judicial independence, including the power of final adjudication, which belonged to Her Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council in London before China resumed the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong.

中央不仅授权香港高度自治，而且对港人高度信任。港英最后一届政府23名主要官员，除1名外国人按基本法规定不能继续任职、1人准备退休而被替换外，其余21人均经中央任命进入首届特区政府，18万公务员也悉数留任。中央政府不干预特区内部事务，而且吸纳香港同胞加入国家最高权力机关和政治协商机构共商国是，还从香港选拔公务人员代表国家到国际组织去工作。就连事关国家安危、本可由全国人大立法后在香港实施的国家安全法律，也以基本法第23条授权特区自行立法。

In addition to authorizing Hong Kong to exercise high-degree autonomy, the central government also treats Hong Kong residents with phenomenal trust. When the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was established nearly 23 years ago, 21 of the 23 principal officials serving in the British-Hong Kong government, except one foreign national who was banned by the Basic Law to serve in the HKSAR government and another one who was ready to retire and therefore replaced, were appointed by the central government to service in the SAR government. All the civil servants hired by the British-Hong Kong government, believed to top 180,000 at that time, were able to keep their jobs in the SAR government. The central government does not interfere in what is deemed the internal affairs of the HKSAR according to the Basic Law. In fact, the HKSAR is represented in the National People's Congress (NPC), the highest organ of State power, and the political advisory body, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. Civil servants in the HKSAR government have been chosen to work in international agencies, such as the United Nations, as members of Chinese delegations. Even in crucial matters such as national security, Hong Kong has been trusted with completing its own legislation according to Article 23 of the Basic Law, which could have been done by the NPC Standing Committee instead.

不妨把中央的对港政策概括成“堵与疏”。堵，就是坚守“三条底线”，即绝对不能允许任何危害国家主权安全、挑战中央权力和基本法权威、利用香港对内地进行渗透破坏的活动。这是“一国”的必然要求，其中最大的底线就是对“”零容忍。疏， 就是鼓励香港融入国家发展大局，共同推进改革开放和民族复兴。CEPA、粤港澳大湾区建设、各种在内地生活和就业的便利措施，都为香港提供了更广阔的发展空间。这一堵一疏，堵是刚性的，疏是号召和期盼，堵与疏之间则是香港高度自治的巨大空间。

The central government's Hong Kong policies can be seen as serving two general purposes — "containment" and "induction". Containment refers to the three bottom lines that absolutely forbid any attempt to endanger national sovereignty and security, challenge the power of the central government and the authority of the Basic Law of the HKSAR or use Hong Kong to carry out infiltration and sabotage activities against the mainland. Such bans are imperative to ensure "one country" at all times, especially when it comes to zero tolerance toward Hong Kong independence. Induction means encouraging the HKSAR to integrate its own development into the country's overall development strategy and join the rest of the Chinese nation in pursuing further reform and opening-up as well as the great rejuvenation of the nation. Beneficial measures to this end include the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement, which has been updated annually since it was introduced in 2003, the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area development program and all favorable policies and rules designed to help Hong Kong and Macao residents live, work and go to school on the mainland. While containment is rigid, induction is inspiring and forward-looking in nature. Between them lies the tremendous space called a high degree of autonomy.

“一国两制”是一种最大限度平衡国家利益与香港利益的制度设计，用哲学术语讲，这是矛盾的对立统一体。“两制”之间既有对立的一面，又有统一的一面，中央与港人的共同责任是坚持最大公约数，这就是“爱国爱港”。有了这个共同的核心价值，就能扬长避短，画出“两制”最大的同心圆。

"One country, two systems" as an institutional arrangement is designed to maintain a maximum balance between the best interest of the country and that of Hong Kong society. Philosophically speaking, it demonstrates how two opposites can exist in productive harmony without losing their edges. The "two systems" are inherently at odds with each other but held together by the "greatest common denominator" — the shared responsibility of “loving the country as a whole and Hong Kong as a particular part of it.” With this shared core value at heart we can achieve greatness despite whatever differences may exist between "two systems".

原文刊登于4月27日《中国日报香港版》

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