英女王为什么喜欢玛格丽特（拯救了英国的铁娘子）

玛格丽特·希尔达·撒切尔，英国第49任首相，曾被媒体戏称为“铁娘子”，是历史上著名的铁腕领袖代表人物之一她的一生充满传奇色彩，但同时也极具争议而今的学者再来研究这位女士，又是如何看待她的执政生涯的呢？一起来了解，我来为大家科普一下关于英女王为什么喜欢玛格丽特?下面希望有你要的答案，我们一起来看看吧!

英女王为什么喜欢玛格丽特

玛格丽特·希尔达·撒切尔，英国第49任首相，曾被媒体戏称为“铁娘子”，是历史上著名的铁腕领袖代表人物之一。她的一生充满传奇色彩，但同时也极具争议。而今的学者再来研究这位女士，又是如何看待她的执政生涯的呢？一起来了解。

If you think the world is a mess now, that just means you weren't around in the 1970s.

如果你认为现在的世界一团糟，那只能说明你没有在1970年代左右生活过。

In Britain, where I grew up, the low point was known as "the winter of discontent," a line borrowed from Shakespeare's Richard III.

在英国，我在那长大，那段低谷期以"不满的冬天"而为人所知，出自莎士比亚戏剧《理查三世》中的一句台词。

The inflation rate in 1975 was 27 percent.

1975年时的通货膨胀率曾达到27%。

The trains were always late.

火车总是晚点。

The payphones were always broken.

没有一样是好用的。

Nothing worked.

诸事不顺。

Worst of all were the recurrent strikes.

最糟心的是周期性的罢工。

Strikes by coal miners.

煤矿工人的罢工。

Strikes by dockers.

码头工人的罢工。

Strikes by printers.

印刷工人的罢工。

Strikes by refuse collectors.

垃圾收集工人的罢工。

Strikes even by gravediggers.

挖墓工人的罢工。

It felt as if there was no way back.

感觉那时似乎已是无路可退。

And then came Margaret Thatcher.

玛格丽特·撒切尔出现了。

Between May 1979, when she entered 10 Downing Street as prime minister, and November 1990, when she stepped down, she changed everything.

自1979年5月，她走进唐宁街10号出任首相之日起，直至1990年11月，她卸任为止，她改变了所有的一切。

Born on October 13, 1925, she was an improbable savior.

出生于1925年10月13日的她似乎不会成为一个拯救者。

Nothing in her middle-class childhood suggested the future ahead of her.

出身于中产阶级家庭的童年生活并未暗示她未来将会有那样的人生。

A diligent student, she got into Oxford as a chemistry major.

她很用功，进入牛津成为一名主修化学的大学生。

She worked for a small plastics company after leaving college but was rejected for a position at the British chemical giant ICI because, as the personnel report stated, "This woman is headstrong, obstinate and dangerously self-opinionated".

离开大学之后为一家小型的塑胶制品公司工作，却被拒绝在英国化学巨头ICI（ICI： 即，帝国化学工业 - Imperial Chemical Industries Ltd）任职，因为正如那份人事部报告所述，"这位女士个性倔强，宁折不弯，并且固执己见到了危险的程度。"

She needed all three of those attributes when she entered the world of politics as a Conservative candidate in 1950.

这正是1950年她以保守党候选人身份步入政坛时，所需具备的三个特质。

After several failures, she finally entered Parliament in 1959.

经历了几次失败之后，她最终于1959年跻身国会议员之列。

For the next two decades, she steadily worked her way up through the party ranks.

在接下来的二十年间，她缓步且稳健地在党内的各个层级中不断攀升。

As early as 1975, Thatcher had come up with a wonderful line about the opposition Labour Party: "They've got the usual Socialist disease—they've run out of other people's money".

早在1975年，撒切尔就已经抛出了一句掷地有声的妙语，说的是其政治对手英国工党："他们已经患上了那种社会主义常见病——他们已经花光了其他人的钱。"

This she contrasted memorably with what she called "the British inheritance": "A man's right to work as he will, to spend what he earns, to own property, to have the state as servant and not as master …"

并指出，这与那些她称之为"英式遗产"的东西形成了鲜明对比：“一个人有权利依照他的意愿工作，有权消费他的收入，有权拥有资产，有权拥有政府，使其成为奴仆，而非成为主人......”

This was the essence of Thatcherism, and it was just the tonic that the patient—the British economy—needed.

这就是撒切尔主义的精华，而且它恰好是那剂补药，是那位病人——英国经济——所需的。

It's fashionable nowadays to argue that there was no Thatcher miracle in the 1980s.

现如今有一种盛行的观点，即在1980年代并不存在撒切尔奇迹。

Not only is that demonstrably false, it misses an essential point: Thatcherism wasn't just about raising productivity or creating jobs.

那不仅仅可以被证明是有误的，它还忽略了一项核心要素：“撒切尔主义”并不只关于提升生产率或创造就业岗位。

Just as important was the goal of defeating inflation and restoring prosperity to the middle class.

设定那项目标恰恰也是同样重要的，即战胜通货膨胀，同时为身处中产阶级的人们重建繁荣。

This, it emphatically achieved.

这无疑得到了实现。

Yet the event that, more than any other, defined Margaret Thatcher's premiership was not economic but military.

然而那件大事胜过任何其它事件，它定义了玛格丽特·撒切尔的首相生涯，并不在经济领域，而是在军事上。

The Falklands War against Argentina established her irrevocably in the public mind as the new Britannia, a warrior queen who gloried in victory.

阿根廷争夺福克兰群岛的战争为她在公众心目中树立了一个无可逆转的新不列颠尼亚形象，一位以胜利为荣的战斗女神。

And, of course, it ensured a Conservative win in the 1983 election.

当然，这也确保了保守党在1983年大选中的胜利。

There is no question that sending the Royal Navy Task Force to the South Atlantic took great political courage.

毫无疑问，指派皇家海军特遣舰队前往南大西洋进行作战需要极大的政治勇气。

Many in her own party pushed for a negotiated settlement.

她本党的许多同僚都力促通过谈判达成一项和解。

But the lady was not for turning—not because she was nostalgic for the days of empire, but because the invasion was, to her mind, morally and legally wrong.

但是这位女士并不打算回头——并非是因为她对于大英帝国的往昔岁月有着怀旧情绪，而是因为在她看来，阿根廷的这场入侵在道德和法理上都是错误的。

Not without reason did a Soviet magazine nickname Thatcher "the Iron Lady".

一家前苏联的杂志把撒切尔昵称为"铁娘子"，这不是没有理由的。

Along with her ideological soulmate, US President Ronald Reagan, she was unhesitating in her opposition to the Soviet Union.

随同意识形态上的灵魂伴侣美国总统罗纳德·里根，撒切尔在对待苏联问题上，毫不犹豫地坚持反对立场。

When the Soviets deployed intermediate range nuclear missiles in Eastern Europe, she fully supported—despite fierce opposition—Reagan's counter-move to send American cruise and Pershing missiles to Western Europe.

当那些前苏联人在东欧部署了中程核导弹的时候，她不顾强烈的反对意见，全力支持里根所采取的反制措施，将美国的巡航导弹以及潘兴导弹派遣至西欧。

It's still terribly hard for those who opposed her to admit it, but Margaret Thatcher was right about most things.

但是玛格丽特·撒切尔在大多数事情上都是正确的。尽管对那些反对她的人士而言，承认它仍是极端困难的。

She was right that the British trade unions had become much too powerful.

她判定英国的那些工会组织已经变得太过于强大是正确的。

She was right that inefficient nationalized industries had to be privatized.

她主张没有效率的国有企业必须要被私有化是正确的。

And she was right that the West could win The Cold War.

她对于西方能够赢得冷战的看法也是正确的。

"I can't bear Britain in decline," she told a BBC interviewer in April 1979. "I just can't".

"我不能忍受英国的衰落"，1979年4月BBC的一次采访中，她告诉记者："我就是不能。"

Nor could we.

我们也不能。

For much of the 1970s, that decline had looked irreversible.

在1970年代的很长一段时间，那场衰退看上去已经不可逆转。

Yet Margaret Thatcher stopped the rot.

然而玛格丽特·撒切尔阻止了那场凋零。

She cured the economy of the disease of inflation and industrial unrest.

她挽救了已经因通货膨胀和产业动荡而摇摇欲坠的英国经济。

She revived the idea of a property-owning democracy.

她复兴了那套关于资产拥有民主制的理念。

And, with her courageous and principled foreign policy, she restored Britain's standing in the world.

此外，凭借果敢而坚定的外交政策，她使得英国在世界的声望得以恢复。

Those of us who stood by her are entitled to feel proud that we were on history's winning side.

我们当中那些曾给予她支持的人，才有资格为自己站在历史胜利的一方而感到自豪。

But we should have no illusions about the humble supporting roles we played.

但同时也不应过于放大自己曾在此扮演谦卑配角的事实。

She was the leader, proof that sometimes it really is a single individual who can change the course of history—in Margaret Thatcher's case, decidedly for the better.

她是领导者，这证明有时即使是单独的个人，也可以改变历史进程，就玛格丽特·撒切尔而言，无疑是引领英国迈入了一个更好的方向。

I'm Niall Ferguson, fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford, for Prager University.

我是斯坦福大学胡佛研究所的研究员尼尔·弗格森，为PragerU制作。

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